|
Michal Sapir
Cryptography in Artificial Light:
Poe's Stories and Nadar's Stills
In the beginning of the second half of the nineteenth century, the
French photographer Gaspard-Félix Tournachon, or Nadar, as he was
widely known, was engaged in several pioneering experiments with
the limits of photographic representation. As a portrait
photographer he was one of the first to utilize the new medium's
vast commercial potential. He was also a champion of
experimentation in aeronautical technology, and in 1858 took the
first aerial photographs from his hot-air balloon. In 1862 Nadar
expanded his experiments into the underground realm. After
experimenting in his studio with magnesium as a source of light,
he descended into the Paris catacombs to produce the first
photographs ever taken on location in artificial light. Two years
later, after further refining his technique of electrical
lighting, Nadar descended again, this time to photograph the
Parisian sewer system.
The beginning of the second half of the nineteenth century also
saw the introduction into French intellectual circles of another
experimenter with the underworld and the limits of representation,
the American poet and short story writer Edgar Allan Poe. Between
the years 1852 and 1867 Poe's works were translated into French
and published by Charles Baudelaire. Baudelaire's project
established Poe's tales of tombs and secret writings as an
important source of influence for the emerging new generation of
late nineteenth-century French writers.
The subterranean was at the time a privileged locus of meeting for
issues of technological progress, knowledge, and representation.
As Rosalind Williams explains, the notion that truth is hidden
beneath the surface of things was a prevalent epistemological
assumption in the nineteenth century, when, following scientific
and technological developments, "excavation became a central
metaphor for intellectual inquiry" (23).1 However, at the same
time, Williams observes, the same scientific and technological
developments contributed to the gradual creation of a concept of
the subterranean environment as a completely artificial and
constructed enclosure (10). Williams's description suggests that
in the course of the nineteenth century, the developments in
subterranean technology produced a paradoxical attitude towards
the accessibility and representability of hidden truth: the closer
one got to it by digging deeper under the surface, the farther one
was displaced from it by ever-expanding surfaces of artificial
mediation.
A similar paradoxical attitude was produced by developments in
photographic technology in the same period. Rosalind Krauss
observes that early photography was made under the assumption of
"the inherent intelligibility of the photographic trace" (42). It
assumed that the photograph functions as an indexical trace,
supplying "the manifest presence of meaning" (35), with light
functioning as "the conduit between the world of sense impression
and the world of spirit" (37). But at the same time Krauss finds
in early photography a budding ambivalence towards this
assumption. She observes that in Nadar's work, for example,
photography was also staging its own condition as "a field of
physically displaced signs" (46), that is, as consisting of
cultural rather than natural signs.
The similarity resides in the spatial dimension of Krauss's
observations. As she notes, the photograph was seen as both "a
conduit" and "a field": the one a receptacle suggesting purposeful
movement in depth, the other a surface suggesting relational flat
movement. This ambivalence has to do with the function of the
photograph as text, as emerges from Krauss's discussion of a
chapter in Henry Talbot's book The Pencil of Nature. In this
chapter, entitled "A Scene in a Library," Talbot juxtaposes a text
and a photograph which seem strangely unconnected. In the text he
speculates on the possibility of photographs taken with "invisible
rays" (50) revealing the activities that occur within a "darkened
chamber" (51). The photograph, in turn, shows two loaded
bookshelves in a library (49). For Krauss, this juxtaposition
demonstrates a conception of the photograph as a conduit towards a
spiritual meaning beyond objective appearances: photography will
penetrate not only the darkness of the chamber, but also the
obscure regions of the human mind (42). But this juxtaposition of
photograph and text can also be read as pointing to the
limitations of photography as a form of mediation. As Krauss
points out, "as the container of written language, the book is the
place of residence of wholly cultural, as opposed to natural,
signs" (41). Thus, the book's conductivity, as in turn its
photograph's conductivity, are put into question. Both stop short
at the surface of signs--a flat field of words on paper, "volume"
flattened out into volumes in the library--without accessing the
signified. In the photograph as well as in the paragraph, the
stereometrical space of "the real" becomes a flat "field of
physically displaced signs."
Nadar's project of photographing the catacombs and the sewers of
Paris can be seen as an attempt to put Talbot's speculations into
practice. He descended into the "darkened chamber" par excellence-
-the burial cave, the crypt. Like Talbot's imaginary photographer,
he attempted through the use of photographic technology to expand
the limits of display and put the secret occurrences within on
exhibit. But, again like in Talbot's example, Nadar's results were
only a displacement of the alleged truth of the crypt onto a flat,
culturally-constructed textual surface. As such, as we will see,
Nadar's photography of crypts--his cryptophotography--behaved just
like Poe's writing of crypts--his cryptography. When truth is
assumed to be hidden in the depth, the story and the still behave
in a similar way: instead of illuminating a secret space, they
only manage to put on display another secret, another piece of
(encoded) writing. As I will suggest later, this refutation of
both writing and photography as vehicles to a hidden truth was
contemporaneous with the emergence in the late nineteenth century
of new and different kinds of media and of a different notion
about the space of truth.
Let us first examine Nadar's subterranean project. For a Parisian
in the nineteenth century, the descent into the catacombs was a
descent into the highly revered realm of the dead. According to
Philippe Ariès, the building of the catacombs in the eighteenth
century was emblematic of the Parisians' growing indifference
towards the dead, an indifference which culminated in the
destruction of all the city's cemeteries and the transportation of
the remains to underground depositories (499-500). By the late
nineteenth century, however, the Parisians had developed what
Ariès calls "the cult of tombs" (542); "in one century the cult of
the dead has become the great popular religion of France" (543).
This obsession with the space of death was also expressed in the
great popularity of deathbed photography at the time.
Nadar, however, "rarely accepted commissions for...deathbed
pictures," in spite of their growing popularity (Gosling 13). For
someone who had always displayed a keen sense of business, and who
was, moreover, known especially for his portrait photography, this
seems odd. Perhaps Nadar was somehow aware of the problem of
photography which Roland Barthes describes in Camera Lucida as the
presence of "flat death" (92). The deathbed photographs of the
poetess Marceline Desbordes-Valmore (1859) and of Nadar's friend
Victor Hugo (1885), two of the very few exceptions to Nadar's
avoidance of the subject, can testify, perhaps, to some of the
frustration involved in such an undertaking . In both, bright
light floods the frame in an almost desperate attempt at
revelation, and the camera approaches the body from the side and
headwards, as if an intimate friend were sitting at the bedside of
the dying person to hear the last words or even to touch the body.
But in both pictures there is nonetheless an atmosphere of mute
and secretive remoteness, an opaqueness and a failure of
disclosure. Behind the resistant façade there is no available
recess, only the blank flipside of the flat photographic print.
And so Nadar turned his attention to what lies behind the façade,
to the underworld. In 1862 and 1864 he embarked on his two
projects, photographing first the Parisian catacombs and then the
city's elaborate sewers. In his memoirs from 1900, Quand j'étais
photographe, he recollects these two projects in the chapter
"Paris Souterrain." He begins with the catacombs. Here is how he
describes his expectations from the project: "The underground
world opens an infinite field of operations, no less interesting
than the tellural surface. We are going to penetrate, reveal the
arcana of the most profound and secret caverns.... The catacombs
of Paris...have their confidences to share with us" (145-46). This
passage demonstrates how Nadar's attempt to reveal secrets in
depth is ultimately blocked by the impervious two-dimensionality
of representation, by the "infinite field of operations." After
all, Nadar himself admits that the catacombs are pictorially
boring, and that their appeal exists only within language: "The
picturesque quickly exhausts itself here, the aspects are not
varied.... This mysterious word-catacombs excites curiosity on its
own accord.... A few steps in these undergrounds and the curiosity
is soon satisfied" (137-38). And so, actually, the catacombs are
the precise opposite of death, to which everybody goes but from
which no one returns to disclose its secrets. The catacombs, on
the contrary, are "a place where everybody wants to go and to
where no one returns" (138).
As it happens, it is really his own technological light-
operations, and not the darkness of the death realm, that interest
Nadar. He opens the chapter with a fictional dramatization in
which a Parisian lady is introduced by him to the "dangerous" and
"shadowy" underworld passages: "You don't know the catacombs,
madame; allow me to conduct you there," he says (124). Note that
it is his mundanely human hand that will serve as conduit here,
not the mystical index-finger of light. In the description that
follows, the salient characteristic of the underground world is
its chaotic nature. Hierarchical order is disrupted: the text is
heaped with various words signifying "heap" or "mess"; the body--
social or physical--is subject to "the egalitarian confusion of
death" and is "disintegrated, dispersed" (129); endless lists
enumerate names ("Condés and Contis, Soyecourt and Vendome, Le
Rochefoucauld, Créqui, Rohan, Montmorency, Vilars,
Blacas...Durand, Legrand, Petit, Lemaitre, Berger, Lenoir or
Leblanc" [131]), titles ("the cardinal Dubois, Marguerite de
Bourgogne with the provost Marcel, Perrault, the architect
storyteller, the Marshal of Ancre..." [131]) and body parts
("ribs, vertebra, sternums, wrists, tarsi, metacarpus and
metatarsus, phalanges, etc." [129]). It all boils down to what
Nadar calls "the nothingness of the human thing" (129) and a
"conclusive and universal abandon" (137). But the visitors, the
excursionists, as he calls them, are not going to be implicated in
this chaos: "counted at the entrance to be recounted at the exit,
they only dare within perfect security by the restrained itinerary
that is conferred to them in the ossuary" (126). The dead
themselves, the visitors are assured by a Latin inscription on the
door, repose '~beyond these boundaries" (128).
And so, to be recounted again, or to be made visible, the contents
of the catacombs must be transformed from their chaotic heaps and
stuffings into the orderly flatness of a time-table: "here is the
light, the sun, life, which chase behind us like a painful, even
tedious dream, the memory of this funereal excursion. We, now,
redescend in order to work" (138, emphasis mine). Nadar embarks on
the first ever subterranean attempt at photography in artificial
light. How artificial is this artificial light? Well, the first
attempts back at his studio in 1858 involved about fifty Bunsen
batteries, and produced plates which were "harsh, with clashing
effects, opaque blacks and without details." The pupils, in
particular, were a problem: "either extinguished by an excess of
clarity, or brutally pricked, like two nails" (141). To perfect
the results, he needed a second fire-box of softened light,
excavating the shadowed parts. The solution was "using white
screens as reflectors, and finally a double play of large mirrors
reverberating intermittently the luminous fire-box on the shadowed
parts" (141-42). With such an echoing game of reflectors and
mirrors we begin to see, indeed, the infinite field of operations
on which the project takes place. But that isn't all. When the
operation moved to its actual location, the narrowness of the
subterranean passages forced a large part of the equipment to be
left outside, on the street level. Long cables were passed
underground through small shafts or man-holes. The removal of the
generator caused major communication problems as there was a
considerable lapse of time between the giving of orders and their
reception. This often imposed an exaggerated development of the
conductor wires, and at each displacement Nadar had to feel
empirically his time of exposure. Again, it is important to note
how the whole notion of the conduit has been displaced from a
bridge between the world of the senses and the world of the spirit
into a chart-line from one world of the senses to another.
But the extent to which the project of artificial light really
involved artificiality becomes even clearer in the following
passage:
I've judged it good to animate some of these aspects
with a person, less from a picturesque point of view
than in order to indicate the scale of proportions, a
precaution very often upsettingly neglected by
explorers. For the eighteen minutes of exposure-time
(fr. pose), it was difficult to obtain the absolute,
inorganic immobility from a human being. l tried to
get round the difficulty by using manikins, which I
dressed in working-clothes and arranged in the mise en
scene; this detail did not complicate our job. (156)
But it sure did complicate the representational status of the
photographs thus obtained. After all, this is a perfect example of
the Orphean plight, as it is understood by Blanchot: in the Greek
myth Orpheus is allowed to lead his dead wife Eurydice back from
Hades into the light of day, provided he never turns back to look
at her while they are still in the underworld. For Blanchot
Orpheus is the artist, whose work is to bring death--the
profoundly obscure point toward which art and desire tend--into
human perception. But Orpheus can only give this point form,
shape, and reality in the day, by turning away from its essential
darkness, in other words, by misrepresenting it: "Orpheus is
capable of everything...except of looking at the center of night
in the night" (171). Nadar, according to this reading, is a modem
Orpheus: like him, he went down to the underworld to retrieve a
being into the human realm. But the being, once brought to light,
became a dummy. All Nadar can bring back from the underworld by
using artificial light is the truth of the artificiality of this
light. His photographs, calibrated to fit the human scale of
proportions, remain only aspects, exterior façades, mise-en-scènes
of representation. The thing represented itself remains outside of
the picture, whose flipside is, again, only a blank surface.
Recoiling, Nadar suddenly cuts short his account of the catacombs
project in the middle of "Paris Souterrain." "We are going to pass
on the catacombs," he says, and turns instead to "recognize the
admirable human labor in the sewer system" (144). Here, as well,
there is use of artificial light and artificially dug man-holes.
And, interestingly enough, the sewers are all about conduits:
canals, rails, wagons, pipes, tubes, etc. But these are the
conduits of human technology, and in their circular network they
lead nowhere but to their own starting point, the Grand Collecteur
which gathers all its arteries to dispense the water right back
into the Parisian drain system. In this system, proper measures
are carefully taken: poisonous odors, traffic collisions, and
putrid floodings are duly prevented. And in the rapid descent that
Nadar's narrative stages into the filthy, fluid, monstrous depth
of the earth, "the black rendez-vous with the immense nothingness"
is averted at the last minute, as "we finally retreat" (152).
Nadar remains safe on the game-board of his "field of operations."
Nadar spent three consecutive months in the catacombs and the
sewers of Paris. Then after producing one hundred plates, he
stopped, "with regret in spite of everything, for the work was not
yet altogether complete" (157). Why did he stop? He says that
urgent matters called him back to his studio on the boulevard des
Capucines, but mainly that in the catacombs he was given to the
outer-limits of resignation and arrived at the farthest ends of
his patience. The experience was obviously frustrating, but Nadar,
even as late as 1900, is not able to formulate for himself the
causes of his frustration.
Let us now turn from Nadar's stills to the other experimenter with
tombs and cryptography, Edgar Allan Poe. In Poe's stories there is
a constant slippage between the spatial sense of "crypt"--a dark
enclosure-- and the linguistic sense--a code. Everything in his
tales is enclosed within one kind of receptacle or another: a
bottle, a box, a chamber, a coffin, a vault, a building. The
recurring pattern is that of the mystery of the locked room, or,
if you will the darkened chamber--the camera obscura. A case is to
be opened. Or, rather, a case is to be solved. And herein,
precisely, lies the slippage, between the spatial case and the
narrational case, between the set of coordinates and the field of
affairs. In "The Cask of Amontillado," for example, Fortunato is
lured by the promise of a fictive cask to his real encasement in
the narrator's family vaults. This "real" spatial emplotment
itself, however, only lures the reader to the termination of the
fictive plot drawn up on paper by Poe himself. "The Facts in the
Case of M. Valdemar," to take another example, deals, like many
other tales, with the Orphean paradox of bringing the space of
death into language. In the Greek myth, once taken into the world
of the living, all that remained from Eurydice was the flat fact
of her ineffable death. Likewise, Valdemar seems to utter the most
impossible utterance of all--"I am dead." But it is also the only
possible thing for him to say in his case. When the darkened case
of the tomb becomes the illuminated case of language, we can only
get flat death: "I am dead."
Similarly, as Derrida has observed, in Poe "everything begins 'in'
a library" (qtd. in Rosenheim 389). Derrida puts the word "in" in
quotation marks because, like in Talbot's photograph, the library
easily slips from a camera obscura--"our first meeting was at an
obscure library"--to the flat pages of a book--"the same very rare
and very remarkable volume brought us into closer communion"
(Selected Tales 108). The same movement occurs in the very title
of the story, "Murders in the Rue Morgue." The murders occur "in"
Morgue street, which is a spatial place of storage for dead
bodies, but also an archive of literature and press cut-outs. And
then there is "The Purloined Letter," which takes place in a
"little back library, or book-closet, au troisième" (201), that
is, on the third story of Dupin's building, or, perhaps, in the
third story in the Dupin series. For, eventually, everything also
ends "in" a library: there are no actual three-dimensional cases
in Poe's tales, but only upper cases and lower cases, letters
written on the page.
Shawn Rosenheim links this process of flattening to Poe's interest
in cryptography: "the narrative form of the detective
stories...emerges indirectly out of the understanding of
signification Poe first articulated in the essays on 'secret
writing"' (376). According to Rosenheim, Poe creates in the
stories an artificially flattened world in which the detective can
find one single, verifiable meaning because nothing is hidden
behind the surface, and because a strict indexical relationship
has been pre-established between appearances and behaviors (382).
Consequently, Poe's letters have no depth--only two sides. They
become dead letters, which reach no destination, attesting only to
the fact of their own existence. Finally, they reveal "Poe's
reluctant realization that every decoding is another encoding, and
that the crypt of the letter can't be penetrated in an attempt to
extract its immanent meaning" (381).
Consequently, in its emphasis on the materiality of language, its
figurativity, its multiplicity of forms and meaning and its
endless potential for puns, Poe's work, like Nadar's photography
as it is described by Krauss, "stages...its own condition as a
field of physically displaced signs." In "The Man of the Crowd"
the narrator is engaged in a project not unlike that of Nadar's.
He attempts to illuminate, via acute observation and professional
acumen, a certain subterranean realm. By the artificial light of
the gas-lamps he follows the subject of his investigation, only to
find himself circulating and retracing his steps in an urban
labyrinth. Back at his starting point in front of the D Hotel
(which is, by the way, the residence of the Minister, Dupin's
cunning rival, in "The Purloined Letter"), he finally realizes
that, like some books which don't permit themselves to be read,
"there are some secrets which do not permit themselves to be
told... And thus the essence of all crime is undivulged" (97).
Dupin, the great cryptographer, remains duped.
What then, is the connection between Nadar's crypt-photography and
Poe's cryptography? Friedrich Kittler writes in "Gramophone, Film,
Typewriter" about the media revolution that came about in the late
nineteenth century. This revolution was prompted by the double
spearhead of, on the one hand, the invention of the typewriter,
and, on the other hand, the invention of cinema and of the
phonograph. The typewriter terminally severed writing's alleged
connection to a sensuality beyond the symbolic (113). One could no
longer subscribe to the 1800s' Romantic supposition that the book
is a material conduit to "the realm of the dead beyond the senses"
(107). Instead, in the 1880s Mallarme was able to state that
"literature does not mean anything but that it consists of twenty-
six letters" (114). Cinematography and phonography, in turn, with
their ability to record time indexically, took over the task of
representing that realm of the dead which was now outside the grid
of the symbolic (110).
As Kittler observes, this waning of the grammatological monopoly
over what constitutes the real was a direct consequence of the
same invention that made artificial lighting possible:
"Electricity itself has brought this to an end" (110). He,
however, leaves photography out of this particular picture.
Indexical but not able to store time, it had consequences, he
writes, only in the aesthetic domain and not in terms of the
constitution of the real (104). But if photography cannot be said
to have been fighting alongside the cinema and the phonograph in
this media revolution, the study of Nadar and Poe may have
revealed its affiliation, conversely, with the typewriter's ranks.
The dates seem right--the typewriter was introduced to Europe in
1865 (Kittler 113). One might say that photography (especially
with the help of artificial light), although not really heralding
the representation capacities of the later media, nevertheless
facilitated their conquest by undermining its own claims to an
authenticity beyond the limitations of writing. In Nadar's
experiments we may be witnessing photography staging its own
failure to be anything but a coded, grammatological writing, and
thus underlining the lack of the element of time in its formula.
In a dialectical movement, photography can thus also be seen to
undermine the monopoly of writing by exposing its self-referential
coded nature.
Nadar's and Poe's cryptography in artificial light hints at the
new conception of the space of truth that the new time-sensitive
media will both depend on and make possible. The enigma of Nadar's
exhibits lies in the depth: between the lines of the visual
information, the spatial crypt remains a blind spot, unavailable
to display. His solution, on the other hand, what he does put on
display, emerges not from some dark profundity, but from the
intermittent reverberation of light in a system of white screens
and large mirrors. The puzzle of Poe's cryptograms also consists
of such a system of echoes: concocted by human ingenuity, it can
therefore be resolved by human ingenuity ("Secret Writing" 116).
But "the mental features discoursed of as the analytical are, in
themselves, but little susceptible of analysis" (Selected Tales
105); in the dark recesses of the crypt, the enigma of the spirits
still persists.
Carlo Ginzburg suggests a way of conceptualizing the changing
ideas about enigmas and solutions in the late nineteenth century.
His formulation seems to reinstall the assumption of depth and
conductivity. Ginzburg defines the epistemological model of
"symptomatology," examples of which he finds in Morelli's art
connoisseurship, Freud's psychoanalysis and Sherlock Holmes's
detection methods. In this model, "marginal and irrelevant
details...provide the key to a deeper reality, inaccessible by
other methods" (87). The efficacy of such a key depends on the
assumption of depth, and of the existence of a conduit between the
surface and the hidden recesses: "Reality is opaque; but there are
certain points--clues, symptoms--which allow us to decipher it"
(109). But this assumption of depth becomes suspect in Ginzburg's
text itself when, in the course of one page, the volume becomes a
book, and the portentous points become deflated ink dots: from
"deciphering," the symptomatological practice becomes that of
"reading," and, finally, turns into "the invention of writing 'the
book of nature"' (89). It seems that Ginzburg's detective does not
realize that the traces he follows are only his own footsteps.
What emerges from Nadar and Poe, conversely, is a conception of a
time-governed, provisional truth, a truth which is not exposed in
its authentic depth, but is rather invented and read into the
surface relationships between horizontally-expanding signifiers.2
The terms of Kittler's discussion suggest that he too associates
the end of writing's rule with a spatial movement from three-
dimensional volume to a multivalent field of operations. In terms
that recall Nadar's intermittent reverberation of light he
describes Alan Turing, the Enigma man, who in 1950 invented his
"universal discrete machine," the conceptual basis for all
computers. Later, Konrad Zuse, another computer pioneer, was to
echo Poe's assertion in "Secret Writing" when he said: "With this
form of brain it has to be theoretically possible to solve all
puzzles that can be mechanically dealt with, regardless of the
time required" (qtd. in Kittler 117).
Furthermore, although Kittler insists that the new media of
cinematography and phonography are able to store noise, residue,
and waste-dimensions of the real which cannot be symbolically
encoded in writing-he admits that nonetheless they too end up
proving that "the content of each medium is another medium" (111).
It seems that they too cannot quite escape Nadar's predicament in
the catacombs: "From the real, nothing more can be brought into
the daylight than what Lacan had presupposed in its being given--
nothing" (114). Perhaps this is so because, to some extent at
least, these media are still a form of writing, as is suggested by
their names (104), as well as by the words Kittler himself uses to
describe their emergence: "something had to stop not writing
itself" (103).
The crucial difference, according to Kittler, is that the new
media of the 1880s and 90s constitute a different kind of writing,
a "writing for machines" (115), which takes the passing of time
into account. The added dimension here is not the third, but the
fourth: this writing expands not vertically in space, but
laterally, in time. The media revolution, Kittler says, leveled
all messages to the surface (or interface) of information, and
left spirit, as it were, out of the picture (115). Volume has
become first a typed page and a photograph, and then a recording
tape and a movie screen: the flat but fluid, labyrinthine network
of "integrated circuits" (117). Such mechanism is already hinted
at in Nadar's and Poe's cryptographies. If media, as Kittler
writes, "are always already flight apparatuses into the other
world" (112), then these cryptographies can be seen as early
contributors to the making of the latest modern version: the flat
flight-simulator.
|